It’s been less than a day since Vice President Kamala Harris officially rolled out progressive darling Tim Walz as her 2024 running mate, and he already has a specific mandate from his boss: drive Donald Trump, J.D. Vance, and the right as crazy as he possibly can.
According to multiple Democratic sources on and close to the Harris 2024 campaign, the vice president and her allies are planning to deploy Walz over the next three months in the media and on the campaign trail as an omnipresent, MAGA-trashing attack dog. Walz is set to be, in the phrasing of one Harris 2024 source, the campaign’s go-to “sledgehammer against Vance and Trump” from now until Election Day.
That role was on full display at the first Harris-Walz rally in Philadelphia Tuesday. “These guys are creepy and, yes, just weird as hell,” Walz said of Trump and his VP nominee, Vance. He called them out for wanting to “invade your doctor’s office.” Walz even referenced the unfounded, viral claim that J.D. Vance had sex with a couch. “I can’t wait to debate the guy,” he said, waiting until the audience quieted down to drop the hammer. “That is, if he’s willing to get off the couch and show up.”
Harris and her senior staff, sources say, were impressed by Walz’s style of unapologetically progressive and anti-Trump messaging, as well as his ability to tilt entire news cycles at this relatively late stage in the president election. It was Walz who helped drive the message that Trump and Vance are “weird” — an attack that quickly became a large-scale Democratic Party talking point against Team Trump and the GOP.
The “weird” message, Rolling Stone recently reported, has gotten under Trump’s skin. “Nobody’s ever called me weird,” the former president protested last week. Speaking with aides and other advisers privately, Trump has gotten particularly incensed about how those attacks have been directed at Vance.
“We are running against a weird dangerous agenda of taking away people’s rights, monitoring women’s pregnancies, and other insane hurtful bullshit like making Trump a dictator,” says a source familiar with Harrisworld’s thinking on Walz. “The antidote to that is a regular guy in Tim Walz — a veteran, football coach, friendly neighbor who helps fix your car, and a really successful governor. It’s why his attacks have been so potent the last month and why he won in a swing district for years against GOP attacks. His shit isn’t poll-tested, it’s gut-checked.”
After Walz’s announcement as the Democratic VP nominee on Monday, Trump and his allies spent the day testing out several messages. They tried depicting Walz as a dangerous, San Francisco-loving, radical liberal with no charisma, despite his rather obvious gift of gab and extremely Midwestern vibe. Conservative media outlets launched several attacks on Walz’s military record, faulting him for retiring from the Minnesota National Guard after two decades of service to run for Congress. Walz, meanwhile, said Tuesday that Trump “doesn’t know the first thing about service — because he’s too busy serving himself.”
Walz has been a progressive governor, particularly in his second term. After the Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party secured a governing trifecta, capturing both legislative chambers for the first time in years, he and lawmakers rammed through universal free school meals, child tax credits, strong protections for abortion access and LGBTQ+ rights, paid leave, infrastructure investments, and universal gun background checks.
He’s not running away from his record on social issues. “In Minnesota, we respect our neighbors and their personal choices that they make — even if we wouldn’t make the same choice for ourselves,” Walz said Tuesday. “There’s a golden rule: mind your own damn business.”
And Walz is proud of the way he and his party enacted their agenda. Last summer, he posted that “Minnesota is showing the country you don’t win elections to bank political capital — you win elections to burn political capital and improve lives.”
Since Harris replaced President Joe Biden as the Democratic nominee, there has been a remarkable sea change in strategy, as the party has shown a new willingness to play rougher and get down in the mud with Trump. While Harris was reportedly enthused about Walz’s record of accomplishments as governor, his selection is a sign that Democrats intend to keep up the attacks on the GOP.
Democrats have seized on Walz’s “weird” attack line against Republicans since the moment he trotted it out. “These are weird people on the other side,” he said on MSNBC on July 24. “They want to take books away. They want to be in your exam room. That’s what it comes down to. And don’t, you know, get sugarcoating this. These are weird ideas.”
Walz’s message has pleased liberal TV viewers, frustrated Trump, and made an impression with Americans more broadly, according to a new poll from University of Massachusetts Amherst. Respondents were to give one-word descriptions of Vance — without any priming — and the UMass Poll created a word cloud with the results. The two largest words: “unknown” and “weird.
Harris’ selection of Walz earned plaudits from certain Democrats and centrists who have often been highly critical of the party’s more progressive flank and cultural liberalism. Even Joe Manchin — Joe Manchin! — is on board with the Walz pick. He wrote Tuesday that Walz will “bring normalcy back to Washington.”
James Carville, a veteran Democratic strategist who was a central figure in engineering Bill Clinton’s presidential victory, offered praise for Harris’ VP selection, too.
“I have been saying the Democrats have their scariest problems with male voters,” Carville tells Rolling Stone. “But this guy is a veteran, he’s a hunter, a football coach, a fisherman — he is definitely a male. Everything about [Tim Walz] screams male.”
Carville had been harshly critical of Democrats for not pushing Biden to drop his reelection bid sooner, and had recently warned liberals to temper their “triumphalism” over Harris’ rise.
“The NPR crowd, they’ll never get it. But 48 percent of the people who come out and vote are male, and that’s not an insignificant percentage of voters,” Carville adds. “Now, it remains to be seen if it was the right selection, but the early signs are encouraging.”
President Donald Trump discussing Venezuela at a press conference at Mar-a-Lago.
Why Venezuela Could Be a Turning Point in Gen Z’s Support for Trump
When Donald Trump called himself “the peace president” during his 2024 campaign, it was not just a slogan that my fellow Gen Z men and I took seriously, but also a promise we took personally. For a generation raised in the shadow of endless wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, it felt reassuring. It told us there was a new Republican Party that had learned from its failures and wouldn’t ask our generation to fight another war for regime change. That belief stood strong until the U.S. overthrew Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.
Growing up in the long wake of the wars in Iraq in Afghanistan shaped how my generation learned to see Republicans. For us, “traditional” Republican foreign policy became synonymous with unnecessary conflicts that caused young people to bear the consequences. We heard how Iraq was sold to the public as a necessary war to destroy weapons of mass destruction, only to become a long conflict that defined the early adulthood of many millennials. Many of us grew up watching older siblings come home from deployments changed, and hearing teachers and coaches talk about friends who never fully came back. By the time we were old enough to pay attention, distrust of Bush-era Republicans wasn’t ideological, it was inherited from what we had heard.
As the 2024 election was rolling around, that dynamic had flipped. After watching wars in Ukraine and Gaza dominate headlines while Joe Biden was president, the Democrats were now the warmongers. My friends constantly told me how a vote for Kamala Harris was a vote to go to war. On the other hand, Donald Trump and the Republicans were the ones my friends thought could keep us safe. “I’m not voting for Trump because I love him,” one friend told me. “I’m voting for him because he cares about us and I don’t want to go fight in a stupid war.” For many of my friends, much of their vote came down to one question: Who was less likely to send us to fight? The answer to them was pretty clear.
Fast forward to now, and Venezuela has begun to complicate that belief. Even without talk of a draft or a formal declaration of war, the renewed focus on U.S. involvement and troops on the ground has brought back the same language of escalation my generation was taught to distrust. Young men online have been voicing the same worries, concerned that the ousting of Maduro mirrors the early stages of wars they were raised to fear. When I asked a friend what he thought about Venezuela, he shared that same sentiment. “This is how all these wars always start,” he told me. “They might try to make it sound like it’s not actually a war, but people our age always end up being the ones that pay the price for it.” For young men who supported Trump because they believed he represented a break from interventionist politics, Venezuela blurs the line between the “new” Republican Party they thought they were backing and the old one they were raised to reject.
For many young men, Venezuela has become a major part of a broader shift of how they view Trump. A recent poll from Speaking with American Men (SAM) found that Trump’s approval rating has fallen 10 percent among young men, with only 27 percent agreeing with the statement that Trump is “delivering for you”.
Gen Z men’s support of Trump was never about ideology or party loyalty, it was about the idea that he had their back and would fight for them. But that’s no longer the case. Recently, Trump proposed adding $500 billion to the military budget. Ideas like that will only hurt the president with young men. My friends don’t want more military spending that could get us entangled in foreign wars; they want a president who keeps them home and fights for their economic and social needs. As Trump pushes for a bigger military and more intervention abroad, the promise that once made him feel like a protector of young men now feels out of reach.
For my generation, Venezuela isn’t just another foreign policy dispute, it’s a conflict many young men worry they could be the ones sent to fight. Gen Z men didn’t support Trump because he was a Republican, but because they believed he was different from the old Republicans. He would be a president who would have their back, fight for their interests and keep them from fighting unnecessary wars. Now, that promise feels fragile, and the fear of being the ones asked to face the consequences has returned. For a generation raised on the effects of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the idea of another war isn’t abstract, it’s personal.