It’s Day 20 of the Kamala Era, but Trump World remains in the Before Times. Sure, the Let’s Go Brandon merch is being sold at a discount, but otherwise the mood in the non-swing state of Montana is very July 2024. Or July 2016. The ex-president is on his way for a rally tonight, and the sound system in the parking lot of Bozeman’s Brick Breeden Fieldhouse bleats out the same seven songs, including “Memory” from Cats. The roughly 8,000 supporters who began queuing at dawn will hear the song approximately 30 times before they enter the temple of Trump this evening.
There are plenty of other Trump comfort-food visuals; a Red Bull-slamming dude wears an electoral college T-shirt with Trump states in red and blue states labeled Dumb Fuckistan. The guy in the block suit is here and tells an admirer that it is his greatest wish to sub in for Fox’s Greg Gutfeld one day. (His dream comes a bit closer later today when Fox News misidentifies him as a Montana voter.) Huckleberry smoothies are being hawked for $14 next to a pickup truck emblazoned with the image of Donald Trump shooting a Tommy gun while saying “Merry MAGA you filthy animal.” A teen waits in line for a portable toilet and sings along with the Natasha Owens classic, “Trump Won”:
“We got dead people votin’ Dropboxes and Dominion
And facts are facts, it’s not just my opinion
The Democrats know how to steal
Come on man, here’s the deal
Trump won and you know it
Trump won and you know it.”
What we are all doing here is not exactly clear. The Kamala Harris-Tim Walz ticket is barnstorming swing states on a sugar high that may or may not last until November, but this is Trump’s only rally of the week. It is being held in Montana, a state he still owes money from previous rallies and a state he will win by at least 15 points. My theory is that Trump booked the Bozeman trip before President Joe Biden’s departure from the race. That’s when he thought he could cruise the country once a week grandstanding for Senate candidates that could get him a Republican majority.
I’m also guessing the fundraisers had already been locked in. Trump is heading to Big Sky’s posh Yellowstone Club this afternoon, the kind of event that would cause the fictional John Dutton to spit on the ground and then deliver a deranged monologue about all the rich fuckers ruining his beloved Montana.
One of those late-arriving arrivistes is Tim Sheehy, the Montana Republican Senate candidate running against three-term incumbent Jon Tester, a seven-fingered dirt farmer from Big Sandy. Sheehy is generically handsome with gelled, dark-blond hair. He glad-hands this morning in a Sheehy for Senate fleece, proclaiming, “We’re going to save America, and these people are going to help us do it.”
Tester was not available for comment because, according to a source, he was busy pulling 16-hour days on his tractor harvesting peas back on his farm in Big Sandy. Sheehy once called Tester’s farmer credentials fake and described the farm where Tester grew up as just a “weed patch.” I don’t think they are friends.
Sheehy’s background is different. He was raised in a posh Minnesota lake house and only moved to Montana in 2014. Sheehy has never spent a day involved in Montana politics, continuing a storied tradition of Republican rich dudes moving to Montana, buying a ranch, throwing on some work jeans, and trying to convince the locals he is a man of the people.
Sheehy has a lush bio, a Navy SEAL who served with distinction in Afghanistan before moving to Montana and founding Bridger Aerospace, an aerial firefighting company. Many of Sheehy’s photos feature him looking rugged in a flight suit with one of Bridger’s planes in the background. Tonight, he will talk about water-bombing forest fires for a living.
Alas, the thing about too-good-to-be-true candidates is they often turn out to be not actually true. Bridger Aerospace reported losses of $77 million in 2023 with its stock down 54 percent for the year. An auditor recently reported: “The company has suffered recurring losses from operations, operating cash flow deficits, debt covenant violations, and insufficient liquidity to fund its operations that raise substantial doubt about its ability to continue as a going concern.”
Well, he still has a stellar military record. Sort of, maybe? Sheehy has a bullet lodged in his arm that, depending on his various accounts, either happened in Afghanistan during an attack, or from friendly fire, or, uh, in Glacier National Park in 2015 when he dropped his Colt .45. Sheehy has shared a Rashomon number of accounts of his bullet, and I assumed this would cause him to low-key his military record tonight.
I should have known better. I also should have known that Donald Trump’s presence here has little to do with getting him to 270 electoral votes and a helluva lot to do with a political vendetta straight out of a not-picked-up Showtime pilot on corruption.
Stories emerged in the days after Trump was shot about how his brush with death had changed him into a softer version of himself. Politico posited, “A changed Trump? Some allies detect an ‘existential’ shift after shooting.”
Nope. In a few hours, Trump will take the stage and call a reporter a “maggot,” mock Tester’s weight, promise mass deportations, and question the origin of Kamala Harris’ last name.
Nothing has changed and that’s a problem.
I CAME ACROSS a half-dozen Trump supporters clasping hands and praying for his safety near their SUV as I walked toward the fieldhouse a few hours before the rally. It wasn’t residual words of thanks for Trump surviving last month’s assassination attempt, but news that Trump Force One had mechanical difficulties and had to land in Billings, a hundred miles away. Other supporters had more personal concerns.
“He better not fucking cancel; I’ve been out here for 12 hours,” mutters one guy.
Agreed.
Trump doesn’t cancel, but he has to hop a different plane from Billings to Bozeman and then his motorcade heads down to his Big Sky fundraiser. That meant he wouldn’t take the stage here until 9:30 p.m. local time, which seems to defeat any attempt to alter the political narrative as Harris and Walz held another rapturous rally in Arizona during primetime. This was my first Trump rally since his infamous one in Tulsa during the 2020 campaign that claimed Herman Cain’s life, but the presentation hit the same notes of malice and unintentional comedy.
The sound system pumps in Celine Dion singing the theme song from Titanic, and later there’s a video of Dennis Quaid as Jerry Lee Lewis singing “Great Balls of Fire” from the movie of the same name — the heartwarming tale of a 22-year-old man courting his 13-year-old cousin that surely would be anathema to the Pizzagate anti-pedo supporters in the crowd.
The gathered hear a series of opening acts who are obsessed with the issue of masculinity. Maybe this shouldn’t have surprised me in a fieldhouse with multiple national rodeo championship banners in a state governed by Greg Gianforte, a man once convicted of assaulting a reporter.
The Montana Republican Party chair derides Tester as a vodka cranberry drinker, which offends my personal vodka drinking preferences. The microphone finds Matt Whitaker, who has parlayed three months as Trump’s acting attorney general into a career often dropping the “acting” from his speech. He shouts for a while about a “world on fire” and a Justice Department targeting Catholics even though President Biden is a practicing Catholic.
Then we get Congressman Ryan Zinke, a man in a black cowboy hat going after Walz for purported stolen valor. Zinke, it should be pointed out, was a decorated Navy SEAL who never made captain because he was caught billing the Navy for personal expenses and was run out as Trump’s ride-a-pony-to-work interior secretary for using planes and helicopters for private travel. (He attempted to diffuse the controversy by making the distinction that he never took a jet for private travel; they were all prop planes.)
There’s still no sign of Trump, so Sheehy is brought out alone. He begins his speech with a joke.
“Well, you know my name,” says Sheehy. “Those are also my pronouns. ‘She-he.’ I can tell you going to middle school in the Nineties that wasn’t a fun thing to have.”
Oh boy.
Sheehy goes through his military record with no word about his own personal magic bullet. Then he makes a grievous mistake; he makes sense. He offers the usual Republican words about the border crisis and then makes an observation.
“If you wonder why we have a border crisis, it’s because everybody wants to come here and be Americans,” says Sheehy. “No one’s walking across deserts to move to China. No one’s climbing and going in the ocean to move to Russia. They are coming here to be Americans, and we should be proud of that.”
This is a good point! Alas, it runs counter to the Trumpian view that America has become a dystopian shithole. The crowd doesn’t know what to do and there’s an odd quiet. An uncertain Sheehy pivots back to familiar ground.
“Montanans want common-sense government. And what does common sense mean to Montanans? They want a secure border, safe streets, cheap gas.” The crowd stands and cheers. “Cops are good. Criminals are bad. Boys are boys and girls are girls.”
Sheehy exits to applause. The video screen cues up Freddie Mercury camping it up at Live Aid.
TRUMP FINALLY HITS the stage at 9:30 p.m., 90 minutes late. Maybe it’s all the rest he’s been getting, but he’s in a good mood. It’s moments like this that you get a real sense of the man, in all his dyspeptic glory. He talks of Biden and you get Trump unfiltered.
“You know, he wanted to debate. If we didn’t have a debate, he’d still be there. Can you imagine if we didn’t have a debate? Why the hell did I debate him?”
The crowd laughs, but you know from his face that Trump means it. He realizes debating Biden early is going to turn out to be the biggest fucking mistake of his life.
The idea that the shooting would transform Trump into a fully formed human was always ridiculous, but there still is the question of Donald’s own personal great reset: He is now trailing Harris nationally in some polls and performing poorly even in the swing states. The man is an amoral realist — could he pivot somewhat to the center in the search of the sliver of the electorate that could determine his fate?
The answer, my friends, is absolutely not.
Trump plays his hits in all their disgusting glory. He calls New York Times reporter Maggie Haberman “Maggot Haberman” because she wrote an article casting doubt on a story that the ex-president told about a treacherous helicopter ride. Speaking of Tester, Trump proclaims, “I don’t speak badly about somebody’s physical disability, but he’s got the biggest stomach I have ever seen.”
He offers insight into his verbal slam strategy. “I’ve done a lot of bad name-calling,” says Trump with a chuckle. “You know, when you call somebody that you know how to say the name perfectly, and you call it on purpose, they say, ‘Sir, you made a mistake.’ I say, ‘No, I didn’t.’”
His attacks on Harris are gross and predictable. “You know, it’s interesting. Nobody really knows her last name. If you ask people, ‘Do you know what her last name is?’ Nobody has any idea what it is. ‘Harris.’ How the hell did this happen?”
I did some reporting, and Harris turns out to be the last name of Vice President Harris’ father. Some further digging suggests taking your father’s last name is a common practice in Western cultures.
Trump hits an anti-media jag, and the crowd starts their usual finger-pointing and chanting at us reporters herded together in our veal fattening pen. I debate shouting back, “You want me on that wall, you need me on that wall!” but instead decide on a five-minute mental health break.
Trump has at least another 45 minutes in him despite the fact some fans are heading for the exits. So I go into a toilet stall and pull up a video I shot on my phone earlier in the day.
I’d heard that there was going to be a 20-foot inflatable IUD outside the Bozeman Public Library as part of a pro-choice, anti-Trump demonstration. Might be some good color. But I fucked up the time and instead stumble into Bubblepalooza. Twenty or so toddlers were blowing said bubbles, fitting themselves with crowns, and listening to the Treble-Makers harmonize through “Top of the World” and “Going to the Chapel.” Finally, I get a glimpse of some of that happiness and joy that Kamala has been talking about!
I leave the stall heartened and energized, only to see a four-year-old peeing on his shoes as he chants, “USA! USA!” Meanwhile, his dad and a friend are screaming, “Sword fight!”
I can do this.
The best thing about a Trump speech is that it is impossible to miss anything because the guy loops around a subject at least five times. Now he’s talking about brutal crimes committed by “illegal aliens,” and he makes a promise:
“Here’s all we’re going to do. It’s going to be called a Trump mass deportation, because we have no choice. We have no choice. We have no choice. If Harris wins, a never-ending stream of illegal alien rapists, MS-13 animals, and child predators will ravage your communities … We have a new form of crime. It’s called migrant crime, and it’s going to be as vicious as any crime ever seen in this country before.”
The remaining crowd stands and cheers. The thing you need to know about Trump rallygoers is they love Trump because he is the political equivalent of a Law & Order binge. He’s always going to hit the same bigoted points you’ve grown to love. You will go home confirmed in your entrenched ideology. Have some more Cheetos.
But tonight there’s a twist, a special guest star that might explain everything. Trump introduces his good friend and former White House doctor Ronny Jackson. Jackson is hyped up on something, maybe just revenge.
“I want to tell you a little bit about this man, Jon Tester. This man who says that he represents Montana in the Senate. This man who tells you that he’s up there trying to clean the place up and trying to fix what’s broken.” Jackson makes some odd motions inside his mouth. “This man is a sleazy, disgusting, swamp politician. He’s a fraud, and he’s a liar.”
Dejected reporter heads pop up from their Slack channels like dogs sensing a squirrel with a hobbled leg. Turns out Tester was the ranking member on the Senate Veterans Affair Committee when Trump nominated Jackson to be VA secretary in 2018. Tester helped torpedo Jackson’s nomination after discovering credible allegations of misconduct — drunkenness and the liberal distribution of prescription meds to his colleagues.
Jackson sees it differently.
“I had a spotless, spotless, flawless career in the Navy, I’ve never had a single complaint about anything,” says Jackson. “He came after me. He tried to destroy me. He tried to destroy my family.”
Jackson then turns back to his friend. “The end of Jon Tester starts tonight, and it starts by bringing this man back to the White House!”
Trump smiles at the doctor who proclaimed he was in better shape than Barack Obama. “You’re a great leader,” he says. “You’re a great admiral.”
This isn’t actually true and seems relevant in the time of Walz getting swift-boated over his use of the rank of sergeant major. Jackson is not actually a rear admiral anymore. The Navy demoted him in 2022 after the Navy Inspector General found the charges of unprofessional behavior brought to light by Tester were accurate. Point goes to the seven-fingered man with the big stomach.
And you may ask yourself, what the hell does any of this have to do with Trump turning his campaign around? Absolutely nothing. The fact that Trump trotted Jackson out to launch a personal vendetta is proof the man is never, ever, ever going to change. There are some benefits: This may result in the man not being able to replace Clarence Thomas when the judge finally discovers shame.
The arena is now a quarter empty. Trump wraps up with his own vulgar mantra.
“We will make America wealthy again. We will make America strong again. We will make America proud again. We will make America safe again. We will make America free again. We will make America great again.”
This is not a recording.
I stumble into the Montana night full of Trump bros high-fiving and cracking open cold ones.
I miss those happy babies blowing bubbles.











SACHA LECCA
SACHA LECCA
SACHA LECCA
SACHA LECCA
SACHA LECCA


Elon Musk posts incessantly about protecting Western civilization.
How Saving Western Civilization Replaced Making America Great Again
“She’s a traitor to the West.”
Elon Musk posted this on X on July 25 in response to a clip of Zanny Minton Beddoes, editor-in-chief of The Economist, saying on CNBC that Musk propagates a “caricatured” image of Europe as a deteriorating, unlivable hell hole. Beddoes had recently interviewed Musk, challenging his views on Europe, and confronting him for supporting far-right politicians and parties from Germany to the UK. Beddoes never questioned the hallmarks of liberal democracy: free and fair elections, separation of powers, equal protection under the law, or human rights. But in Musk’s mind, her pushing back on his caricature of Europe as a continent colonized by immigrant invaders proved enough to make her a “traitor to the West.”
The idea of “saving the West” isn’t limited to the feverish online posting of the world’s richest man. If one surveys the conservative media landscape on any given day, the call to “rescue Western civilization” appears ubiquitous. For example, on August 5, 2026, the day after Abdul El-Sayed won the Democratic primary for Senate in Michigan, the civilizationist discourse popped up in every corner of the American right. Podcaster Benny Johnson called for more politicians willing to “fight for Western civilization.” Al Mohler, president of the Southern Baptist Seminary, released a podcast interview titled “The Battle Western Civilization.” Mike Pompeo, former Secretary of State, posted: “The Democratic Party is being taken over by anti-American candidates who hate the values that underpin Western civilization.”
Noah Rothman, senior writer at the National Review, posted in response to a video montage of Abdul El-Sayed: “This race isn’t just about tax rates, or health care, or immigration enforcement. It’s about more than politics now. This is a fight over America and whether the enemies of Western civilization are right.”
None of this even touches the civilizationist outrage many on the American right — including Musk — expressed over the casting of Black actors in Christopher Nolan’s The Odyssey.
Civilizationalist discourse isn’t a new summer trend. It’s surged since Trump’s second inauguration. In a July 2025 interview, Lara Trump even asked her father-in-law about his supposed nickname, the “bodyguard of Western civilization.”
I’ve spent the last two and a half years investigating the growing alliance among Protestant Reconstructionist Christians like Doug Wilson and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth; radical traditional Catholics like Kevin Roberts of the Heritage Foundation and Vice President JD Vance; and Silicon Valley technocrats like Elon Musk, Peter Thiel, and Curtis Yarvin. What’s become clear: “Saving Western civilization” is now the unifying rallying cry of the American right, surpassing Trump’s infamous “make America great again” slogan and even the Christian nationalist mantra of taking America back for God. There’s a reason for this change. As I argue in my new book American Caesar, the crusade to rescue Western civilization provides an umbrella discourse that unites tech reactionaries with traditional Catholics and extremist Protestants in a loose alliance against immigrants, non-Christians, the LGBTQ community, and anyone who criticizes the United States.
While extremist Christians and Silicon Valley technocrats often disagree on issues related to AI, surveillance, and family, they are aligned on the idea that saving Western civilization from external threats like Muslims and migrants and internal threats like antifa, trans people, and feminists is the paramount issue of our time. Even though Elon Musk is not religious, many Christian nationalists see him as an ally in saving Western civilization from the foreign and domestic vandals they believe threaten it. By couching their shared mission in civilizational, rather than religious terms, they can forge a loose coalition against the groups they perceive as common enemies and existential threats to “our way of life.”
As opposed to Christian nationalism or MAGA, civilizationalism also provides a horizontal plane that transcends the United States, including Europe in the effort to rescue civilization from both attacking barbarians and domestic enemies.
In many ways, the civilizationalist discourse emanating from every corner of the American right is an escalation of the Christian nationalist currents that have been center stage during the Trump era. As the scholars Yilmaz and Morieson argue, “Civilizationism is an idea which posits that the world and its peoples can be divided into several ‘civilizations’, most of them defined by religion.” Western civilizationalists render “Western” people as moral, rational, and outright superior to others based on their religious-cultural values. This escalates MAGA’s hallmark xenophobia and Christian nationalism because civilizationalist discourse posits that “non-Westerners” “belong to a foreign civilization with inferior values derived from an inferior religion.” In other words, they are inexorably less than “us” as a people, and therefore unassimilable. There’s no room here for legal migration, pluralism, or multiculturalism. Rather, we are left with a vision akin to Samuel Huntington’s clash of civilizations model, wherein different people groups across the world hold competing values that can never be cohered. Moreover, American citizens who promote “anti-American,” “anti-Christian,” or “anti-capitalist” views are suspected of being linked to either Islamist, or communist foreign networks. They are a foreign enemy cosplaying as real Americans. The goal of civilizationism is isolationist purity. The strategy to achieve it? Civilizational warfare.
Thus, we arrive at a startling truth: When Christian nationalists and technocrats rally to “save Western civilization,” their efforts are not meant to shore up democratic institutions, reinvigorate civic norms surrounding free and fair elections, protect free speech, or defend free thought. When a Texas A&M professor was told he couldn’t teach Plato — the pre-eminent philosopher of ancient Greece and perhaps all of Western civilization (outside of Jesus) — without permission, there was no uproar. When books are banned, the civilizationalists don’t blink.
Their retrieval of Western virtue is not focused on the merits of Athenian democracy or the Roman Republic, much less the Enlightenment values of free choice, personal autonomy, or freedom from religious imposition and/or censorship. In this case, saving Western civilization doesn’t mean empowering We the People, it means rescuing the country from the “immoral elites” who have sold out our country to inferior foreigners; the domestic infidels who refuse to abide by the binary gender and sex norms that both technocrats like Musk and Christian nationalists like Vance and Hegseth prescribe.
If a pure society, rather than a free one, is what they are trying to save, we are left with an important question: Who is going to do the rescuing?
There has been plenty of extremism among Christian nationalists for decades. However, what we are witnessing now is frightening escalation to something more radical: the desire to replace We the People with an all-powerful leader to purify the United States — a Red Caesar, a Protestant Franco, an Appalachian Pinochet, an Unbound Executive, or a Tech Monarch. In other words, a second American Revolution, but this time to seat someone like a king, rather than to break away from one.
There is an abundance of evidence that Trump and his allies are trying to manifest something resonant with these models. Elon Musk’s implementation of DOGE early in Trump’s second term echoed the tech-dissident Curtis Yarvin’s notoriously monarchist ideals. When he took the helm of the so-called Department of Government Efficiency early in 2025, Musk began implementing a “hard reboot” of the government following Yarvin’s blueprint. Musk’s DOGE lieutenants openly claim Yarvin as their greatest philosophical inspiration for gutting federal agencies, laying off workers, and destroying the social safety net. One DOGE team member told The Washington Post that Yarvin represents “the most crisp articulation” of what DOGE is trying to achieve. Another said that “it’s an open secret that everyone in policymaking roles has read Yarvin,” and are using his authoritarian theory “to empower people on the ground to actually do stuff — even if they can’t admit it publicly.”
There is more evidence in the form of Trump’s defiance of the courts, particularly when it comes to his effort to rid the nation of the kind of external threats so often cited by Musk and his fellow guardians of civilization. An Associated Press review from May 2026 found that in 31 lawsuits his administration had “250 instances of noncompliance” in immigration cases, “from failing to return property to keeping immigrants locked up past court-ordered release dates.”
The list goes on: The Trump administration kidnapped and imprisoned Nicolás Maduro from Venezuela and took control of the country’s oil. Now, Marco Rubio is ruling the country from afar with no plan for elections any time soon. To date, Trump has not received congressional approval for the war with Iran, which has been ongoing since February. Trump tried to rename the Kennedy Center. He demolished the East Wing of the White House. And his former personal defense attorney, Todd Blanche, was just appointed head of the Department of Justice. Oh, lest I forget: Trump ignored the Constitution completely when he tried to deport U.S.-born Americans.
The move toward an American Caesar, in many respects, is no longer a Christian nationalist movement, at least not in the way we often think of it.
The dream of the right is no longer to restore a time when white Christianity went hand in hand with America; a restoration of the supposed pax Americana of the 1950s. The outlook now is more grim and more extreme.
In the face of demographic change, cultural progress, and global crises, Christian Reconstructionists, reactionary Catholics, and Silicon Valley magnates long to “save” Western civilization by replacing American democracy with a post-constitutional Caesar who will rule without the burden of checks and balances or the sharing of power in any meaningful way. Trump is doing everything he can to oblige them.
Bradley Onishi is author of American Caesar: How Theocrats and Tech Lords Are Turning America Into a Monarchy, on sale September 15 via Macmillan Publishers.