In a new recording, Supreme Court Justice Samuel Alito lashes out at the news organization ProPublica, describing its Pulitzer Prize-winning coverage of the Supreme Court as driven by political animus, insisting: “They don’t like our decisions.”
Alito was captured on tape at a June 3 event hosted by the Supreme Court Historical Society. The recording was provided exclusively to Rolling Stone by Lauren Windsor, the liberal documentary maker, who has paid annual dues to the society and spent $500 for a ticket to attend the dinner. Windsor’s colleague, Ally Sammarco, attended as well, and spoke with Alito, recording their conversation.
The questioner approached Alito with flattery, calling him an “American hero,” and engaged the justice in a discussion of media scrutiny of the Supreme Court: “Why do you think the Supreme Court is being so attacked and being so targeted by the media these days?”
Alito answered: “They don’t like our decisions, and they don’t like how they anticipate we may decide some cases that are coming up. That’s the beginning of the end of it,” he said. But Alito didn’t stop there. He volunteered: “There are groups that are very well-funded by ideological groups that have spearheaded these attacks. That’s what it is.”
Asked to elaborate, Alito got specific. “ProPublica,” he said. “ProPublica gets a lot of money, and they have spent a fortune investigating Clarence Thomas, for example. You know, everything he’s ever done in his entire life.” Alito then pulled his own experience into the conversation. “And they’ve done some of that to me, too,” he said. “They look for any little thing they can find, and they try to make something out of it.”
The Supreme Court’s nine unelected jurists are entrusted with vast powers to shape individual and collective rights in America. In 2024, ProPublica won a Pulitzer Prize for its “groundbreaking and ambitious reporting” on the high court and “how a small group of politically influential billionaires wooed justices with lavish gifts and travel.”
In essence, Alito is now accusing ProPublica of being unduly influenced by the media organization’s own financial patrons. A spokesperson for ProPublica defended its investigative journalism to Rolling Stone. “ProPublica exposes abuses of power no matter which party is in charge, and our newsroom operates with fierce independence,” the spokesperson said. “No donors are made aware of stories before they are published, nor do they have a say as to which stories reporters pursue.” The news organization claims more than 55,000 donors of “every stripe,” and also posts a list of its “larger donors,” which includes many mainstream foundations.
In a series of stories over 2023, ProPublica reporters uncovered hundreds of thousands of dollars’ worth of private travel and vacations taken by Thomas and paid for by billionaire Texas businessman Harlan Crow. ProPublica found Crow also bought a house from Thomas and paid his grandnephew’s boarding-school tuition. Another friend of Thomas loaned him $267,000 to buy a luxury RV, and then forgave all or most of the loan. ProPublica separately revealed that Alito flew on a private jet paid for by the billionaire financier Paul Singer during a 2008 luxury vacation in Alaska.
When ProPublica reached out to Alito for comment in June 2023 for its story, he declined to respond. Instead, he preempted ProPublica’s story with an opinion piece in The Wall Street Journal defending his decision not to report the Alaska excursion on his ethics forms. ProPublica later wrote that, through this strange maneuver, Alito had accused the media outlet of “misleading readers in a story that hadn’t yet been published.”
Though Alito dismissed the outlet’s reporting as focused on “little” things, ProPublica’s stories prompted the court to issue a new code of conduct, signed by all nine justices, in November 2023. A statement by the court said the document “largely represents a codification of principles that we have long regarded as governing our conduct.”
Following ProPublica’s reporting, Thomas disclosed a new private-jet trip provided by Crow and a real estate deal with the billionaire donor which had featured prominently in ProPublica’s reporting. A statement accompanying the disclosure by Thomas’ attorney acknowledged “prior reporting errors,” but called them “strictly inadvertent.”
Last week, Thomas’ 2023 financial disclosure was released to the public. He included a note amending his 2019 financial disclosure to acknowledge two free vacations he received from Crow — trips that were previously reported by ProPublica — writing that the items were “inadvertently omitted at the time of filing.”
“The fact that Clarence Thomas amended his past filings to formally disclose trips that were paid for by billionaire Harlan Crow speaks for itself,” adds the ProPublica spokesperson. “Those gifts, and Justice Alito’s fishing trip to Alaska with a person whose hedge fund later had a case decided by the Supreme Court, would not have been publicly known without our reporting.”
Windsor has released two additional recordings from the Supreme Court Historical Society — both of which were provided as exclusives to Rolling Stone. In the first recorded conversation, Alito spoke about the difficulty of expecting the left and right to live “peacefully” given their “differences on fundamental things that really can’t be compromised.” He also said he agreed with the idea that people in America who believe in God must fight “to return our country to a place of godliness.”
In the second recording, Windsor spoke with the justice’s wife, Martha-Ann Alito, who complained about having “to look across the lagoon at the Pride flag for the next month,” and discussed wanting to design and fly her own flag with the Italian word for “shame,” apparently in response.
Windsor has been working on a documentary, Gonzo for Democracy, which will chronicle the growth of Trumpism, election denial, and religious extremism.
She tells Rolling Stone that Alito’s comments about ProPublica are “really indicative of the sort of grievance that he carries — or this sort of thumbing his nose at ethical standards he thinks he should not be subjected to.”
She adds, “I don’t think anybody in their right mind would consider a free RV, your nephew’s tuition, or buying your mother’s house a ‘little thing.’ These are all purchases from a donor — gifts from a donor — that I think any reasonable person would consider to be extraordinary.”












Siri worked out of Dr. Mehmet Oz’s (right) home in an unofficial role on Kennedy’s transition.Brendan SMIALOWSKI/AFP/Getty Images
West Virginia Gov. Patrick Morrisey has aimed to allow parents a religious exemption to school vaccinations.West Virginia Governor’s Office

Health Secretary Kennedy served as co-counsel with Siri in 2018.Jim WATSON/AFP/Getty Images
Donald Trump takes a good look at Jon Husted's backside during a rally in Youngstown, Ohio, on Oct. 12.
The Last Tour for Our Horny, Mad King
Donald Trump wants you to know he’s not attracted to men.
“I don’t like young, handsome men,” Trump said during a speech at the Board of Peace back in February, while acknowledging Panamanian President Santiago Peña. “Women… I like. Men, I don’t have any interest.”
And yet, if you watch almost any of Donald Trump’s midterm elections rallies, it’s pretty easy to get the wrong idea.
“The two guys that came up here, the people I watched today… you wanted to give them a big kiss,” Trump said during a rally in Durant, Oklahoma, on October 1. “I’m not at all physically attracted to them, although they’re very handsome people — they’re two handsome guys.”
“I don’t do this with men very often,” Trump said about Ohio Senator Jon Husted, a former college football player, during an October 12 rally. “I started examining his body because I didn’t know he was a great athlete. And I looked — I watched up, and down, I looked at his ass, and I looked at the whole…”
“I examined his ass,” Trump added of Husted a few days later in Kentucky. “I never did that with a man before. And then I looked at his shoulders, I looked at his feet, and then I looked at his jawline — studying. I patted him on the shoulder and it was like a piece of steel.”
Are these the words of a man who doesn’t have “any interest” in men? Ultimately, it’s not for us to say. But what’s clear now is that in what may be the beginning of the end for Trump’s political reign, the king is focused on the things that matter to him most: ambition, aesthetics, and of course, asses. It’s a curious fixation for a president who should be desperate to resonate with voters who appear enormously dissatisfied with his performance in office. But squint your eyes a little and see the man for who he is. Trump’s homoerotic, horn-dog vibe is both a genuine expression of self and a strategy to drum up support from the only fans he has left — the ones who hang on to his every word and think he is the greatest entertainer on earth.
Case in point: most of the quotes above have been played as laugh lines in Trump’s stump speeches on the trail. Trump is in on the joke, but he still can’t help himself from immediately commenting on how handsome the men he interacts with.
“All these handsome guys, they’re always great looking, these four-star guys,” Trump said during a rally in Kansas on October 19, referencing a meeting with military leaders. “I don’t know if they get the job by their look?”
There are tropes Trump comes back to repeatedly. “Central casting” is one descriptor he’s been using for years to describe people — usually men — who fit into the mold of traditional masculinity and strength he seems to admire. He’s used the phrase to describe everyone from Chinese President Xi Jinping to Mike Rogers, the Republican candidate for Senate in Michigan. He values height, repeatedly remarking on how tall certain men are, often in stories in which they appear to pay him fealty. And he loves kisses: sometimes given, sometimes received, sometimes demurely declined — but always mentioned in the story.
“‘President, I’d love to kiss you,’” Trump said in a press conference on October 20, referring to an interaction with a steel factory owner on the campaign trail. “This is a very powerful man. I don’t want to be kissed by that man — but he’s a very powerful, strong man.”
It’s all ripe for armchair psychoanalysis: Trump is self-conscious about his own aging body, Trump values the superficial and material above all other things, Trump sees validation from the strong and tall and beautiful as evidence that what he is doing is good and just. What’s more important is looking at why these moments have become so common on the current campaign trail, where Trump has again and again commented on the physical attributes of the men he’s arrived in town to promote.
Trump has done well over a dozen rallies in the past month alone, bouncing around at least 15 different states in order to prop up candidates in midterm battlegrounds. Part of the issue in campaign blitzes like this is that half the time Trump seems to barely know who he’s talking about. Sometimes he explicitly references the fact that he just learned about a minor House candidate or other down-ballot official in the car on the way to the event. So what else does he have to go on? The man is an old-school businessman whose entire being runs on a potent combination of chauvinism and bravado. When you meet him, he’s going to judge you on your handshake, the cut of your suit and, it seems, the overall tightness of your ass.
Trump seems to choose the candidates less for their political acumen or policy proposals than for exhibiting a very specific Trumpian set of qualifications. The Republican primaries this election cycle were a bloodbath, in which Trump flexed his power as the GOP’s most important endorsement to kneecap several incumbents — like Kentucky Representative Thomas Massie and Texas Senator John Cornyn — who he accused of disloyalty to the MAGA movement. In their place, Trump endorsed Ed Gallrein and Ken Paxton, respectively, both candidates who openly grovelled for his endorsement and pledged to never break from his will. This pattern repeated around the country, with Trump tapping his preferred candidates based on his own notions of value: fealty to the Trump brand, for one, with a “central casting” look being icing on the cake.
“And he is central casting — stand up,” Trump told Mike Collins, the Republican challenger for Jon Ossoff’s Senate seat in Georgia, during a rally on October 16. “If I’m casting a movie for a senator, I like the white hair, I like the big strong build — that’s what I want.”
The list goes on and on. He calls Giants quarterback Jaxon Dart a “male model,” says Ted Nugent’s son is a “beautiful looking guy.” He remarks on how the White House is “allowed to have big, strong, handsome soldiers now.” By my count, now, he has told the Husted ass story at least three times on the stump, most recently saying “His ass, shit, it’s like a pile of muscle,” to a diminished crowd of supporters in North Carolina.
Some Republicans have absorbed this. Speaker of the House Mike Johnson, for instance, did a literal Trump impression when praising the physical attributes of Tano Tijerina, the Republican candidate for Texas’s 28th Congressional District, at a campaign event earlier this month.
The horniness, then, is contagious.
In some ways, you can see why — parts of it are undeniably fun. Trump’s casual objectification of everyone around him is a lot more charming when it’s directed at politicians lining up to lick his boots, rather than the many, many women he’s been accused of harassing and assaulting over the years. He knows these interactions will create clips and get laughs — it’s why he comes back to them over and over again.
It’s tempting to say that the reason we’re seeing them now is that our president’s mind is regressing to an addled state of perpetual titillation, but I’m not sure that’s exactly what’s going on. Trump, these days, isn’t giving his base very much to laugh about, with sky-high gas prices and a pointless war raging in the Middle East. When he gets on the stump the arenas are half-empty. He can tout his achievements, but even the MAGA faithful can read the prices at the pump. What he has left is his charm, his quirks, that intangible greatness on the mic that kick-started one of the most powerful and destructive political movements in American history.
But that alone isn’t enough to offset the damage his actual policies have done — and maybe that’s why all he’s doing now is kissing ass.