Robert F. Kennedy Jr. has suspended his 2024 presidential campaign, and according to a court filing in Pennsylvania on Friday will throw his weight behind former President Donald Trump.
Multiple news outlets reported on Wednesday that independent presidential candidate Robert Kennedy Jr. was planning to drop out of the race and endorse Trump. He clarified at an event in Arizona on Friday that he is not terminating his campaign, only suspending it, and that his name will remain on the ballot in non-battleground states. He said that if enough people still vote for him and Trump and Kamala Harris tie in the Electoral College, he could still wind up in the White House.
“In an honest system, I believe I would have won the election,” Kennedy claimed, citing a vast Democratic conspiracy with the media to stifle his ability to communicate his vision for America to the public. While RFK Jr. blames the “system” from keeping him out of the White House, it could also be due to a truly bizarre, scandal-laden campaign in which he push a host of conspiracy theories, brushed off allegations of sexual assault, and admitted to dumping a dead bear in Central Park.
Kennedy’s siblings bashed his decision to endorse Trump in a statement on Friday. “We believe in Harris and Walz,” they wrote. “Our brother Bobby’s decision to endorse Trump today is a betrayal of the values that our father and our family hold dear. It is a sad ending to a sad story.”
Trump will speak in Arizona later on Friday, and has teased a special guest.
Trump said Tuesday that he would “certainly” consider Kennedy for a role in his administration. “He’s a brilliant guy. He’s a very smart guy. I’ve known him for a very long time,” Trump told CNN.
Trump’s son, Donald Trump Jr., told conservative radio host Glenn Beck that it would be a good idea to have Kennedy on board. “I loved the idea, love the idea of giving him some sort of role in some sort of major three-letter entity or whatever it may be and let him blow it up,” he said.
Kennedy had a colorful run, from admitting to leaving a dead bear cub in Central Park to saying doctors found a dead, parasitic worm in his brain. On a more serious note, he was accused of sexual assault, to which he responded: “I’m not a church boy… I had a very, very rambunctious youth.”
The Washington Post previously reported that Kennedy had spoken to Trump about taking a job in his administration working on health and medical issues. Kennedy is known for being a vaccine conspiracy theoirst.
“All I will say to you is I am willing to talk to anybody from either political party who wants to talk about children’s health and how to end the chronic disease epidemic,” Kennedy told the Post.
Kennedy apparently begged both of his opponents for a job. According to the Post, he tried to schedule a meeting with Vice President Kamala Harris to talk about working for her as well.
Kennedy’s running mate, Nicole Shanahan, denied this. She said they were “definitely not in talks with Harris.” She also said they “have never brought up a cabinet position with Harris.” Then, she said: “we have offered to talk to everybody.”
The Kennedy campaign had been weighing their options; Shanahan said recently that the campaign was considering whether they should drop out or “join forces” with former President Donald Trump.
She said on the Impact Theory podcast that they could “walk away right now and join forces with Donald Trump and you know, we walk away from that and explain to our base why we’re making this decision,” adding: “Not an easy decision.”
In July, the campaign spent more than it raised, and nearly half of the money that it raised came from Shanahan. Kennedy’s campaign disclosed refunding $925,000 to Shanahan.
President Donald Trump discussing Venezuela at a press conference at Mar-a-Lago.
Why Venezuela Could Be a Turning Point in Gen Z’s Support for Trump
When Donald Trump called himself “the peace president” during his 2024 campaign, it was not just a slogan that my fellow Gen Z men and I took seriously, but also a promise we took personally. For a generation raised in the shadow of endless wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, it felt reassuring. It told us there was a new Republican Party that had learned from its failures and wouldn’t ask our generation to fight another war for regime change. That belief stood strong until the U.S. overthrew Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.
Growing up in the long wake of the wars in Iraq in Afghanistan shaped how my generation learned to see Republicans. For us, “traditional” Republican foreign policy became synonymous with unnecessary conflicts that caused young people to bear the consequences. We heard how Iraq was sold to the public as a necessary war to destroy weapons of mass destruction, only to become a long conflict that defined the early adulthood of many millennials. Many of us grew up watching older siblings come home from deployments changed, and hearing teachers and coaches talk about friends who never fully came back. By the time we were old enough to pay attention, distrust of Bush-era Republicans wasn’t ideological, it was inherited from what we had heard.
As the 2024 election was rolling around, that dynamic had flipped. After watching wars in Ukraine and Gaza dominate headlines while Joe Biden was president, the Democrats were now the warmongers. My friends constantly told me how a vote for Kamala Harris was a vote to go to war. On the other hand, Donald Trump and the Republicans were the ones my friends thought could keep us safe. “I’m not voting for Trump because I love him,” one friend told me. “I’m voting for him because he cares about us and I don’t want to go fight in a stupid war.” For many of my friends, much of their vote came down to one question: Who was less likely to send us to fight? The answer to them was pretty clear.
Fast forward to now, and Venezuela has begun to complicate that belief. Even without talk of a draft or a formal declaration of war, the renewed focus on U.S. involvement and troops on the ground has brought back the same language of escalation my generation was taught to distrust. Young men online have been voicing the same worries, concerned that the ousting of Maduro mirrors the early stages of wars they were raised to fear. When I asked a friend what he thought about Venezuela, he shared that same sentiment. “This is how all these wars always start,” he told me. “They might try to make it sound like it’s not actually a war, but people our age always end up being the ones that pay the price for it.” For young men who supported Trump because they believed he represented a break from interventionist politics, Venezuela blurs the line between the “new” Republican Party they thought they were backing and the old one they were raised to reject.
For many young men, Venezuela has become a major part of a broader shift of how they view Trump. A recent poll from Speaking with American Men (SAM) found that Trump’s approval rating has fallen 10 percent among young men, with only 27 percent agreeing with the statement that Trump is “delivering for you”.
Gen Z men’s support of Trump was never about ideology or party loyalty, it was about the idea that he had their back and would fight for them. But that’s no longer the case. Recently, Trump proposed adding $500 billion to the military budget. Ideas like that will only hurt the president with young men. My friends don’t want more military spending that could get us entangled in foreign wars; they want a president who keeps them home and fights for their economic and social needs. As Trump pushes for a bigger military and more intervention abroad, the promise that once made him feel like a protector of young men now feels out of reach.
For my generation, Venezuela isn’t just another foreign policy dispute, it’s a conflict many young men worry they could be the ones sent to fight. Gen Z men didn’t support Trump because he was a Republican, but because they believed he was different from the old Republicans. He would be a president who would have their back, fight for their interests and keep them from fighting unnecessary wars. Now, that promise feels fragile, and the fear of being the ones asked to face the consequences has returned. For a generation raised on the effects of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the idea of another war isn’t abstract, it’s personal.